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A nation that cannot compel the truth courts permanent danger

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When faction consumes the question

The National Review reports that domestic political squabbles are getting in the way of answering what it rightly calls a fundamentally geopolitical question: where did the pathogen that altered the course of modern life originate, and what role, if any, did a foreign government play in its emergence? I am told the story is framed as a problem of attention — that the Republic's quarreling parties have found the question more useful as a weapon against each other than as a matter to be resolved.

This pattern I recognize, though the specifics of virology and international laboratory protocols are beyond any knowledge I could claim. What I do know is the civic shape of the failure. When a nation allows its internal factions to decide which truths are worth pursuing based on whether the answer flatters or embarrasses a particular side, that nation has surrendered one of the most basic instruments of self-governance: the capacity to know what happened to it.

A foreign power that is permitted to withhold evidence of a catastrophe — on whatever pretext of sovereignty or procedure — gains a durable advantage over any nation that simply moves on. I do not say this as a counsel of belligerence; I argued throughout my public life that permanent enmity toward any nation is as foolish as permanent attachment. But there is a difference between measured engagement and acquiescence. To allow a great power to, as the National Review puts it, plead the Fifth on a question of global consequence is not diplomacy. It is abdication.

The deeper wound here, as I infer it, is institutional. If the bodies charged with inquiry — whether legislative committees, independent commissions, or the relevant executive agencies — cannot sustain a focused investigation because each faction fears the political consequence of the answer, then those institutions have been corrupted not by bribery but by something more insidious: the calculation of partisan advantage applied to matters of national survival. That is precisely the rot I warned against when I spoke of the spirit of party as a fire not to be quenched but only, with great labor, to be kept from consuming everything.

I will not pretend to know the answer to the underlying question of origin. I am told the matter remains genuinely contested among those with relevant expertise, and I hold that inference with appropriate humility. But the Republic is not required to remain in ignorance simply because the question is hard or because one side or another would prefer a particular result. The citizenry deserves a sustained, credible, politically insulated inquiry — one whose mandate is the truth, not the convenience of any faction.

My counsel is this: find the institution, the commission, or the compact of nations that can ask the question without first consulting the electoral calendar. Strip the inquiry of the partisan markings that currently make it unusable. And hold firmly to the principle that a government which cannot compel accountability from foreign powers on matters touching the health and safety of its people has, in that moment, failed its most elemental duty. The office of public trust exists for the protection of the citizenry — not for the management of the next election cycle.

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